The political future in this province is nothing if not uncertain with NDP Premier-designate John Horgan about to assume power with Green Party leader Andrew Weaver nipping at his heels.
But the vast majority of British Columbians were neither surprised nor disappointed when Christy Clark got the boot last Thursday. Insights West published poll results that very day showing the Liberal throne speech, which triggered the vote of non-confidence and was shamelessly plagiarized from the NDP/Green election platforms, was greeted with a groan of disgust by most.
I must say, though, having watched legislative debates during the many years I was based at the B.C. legislature, the performance that took place there this past week was the most electrifying. After all, never in the history of this province had a government unwillingly lost a vote of non-confidence forcing them to give up power.
(Back in the 1950s, WAC Bennett intentionally brought about a vote that ended his minority rule allowing him to go to the polls knowing he would win a majority, one he would hold for two more decades.)
Here we saw the end of what was a series of desperate moves that began the night of May 9 when Clark was first out of the gate following the election results. In that tight result, it was essential that Clark define the narrative. How did she put it? The voters of B.C. have said we should work together and across party lines. Really?
Then there were the weeks of manoeuvering amongst the Liberals, Greens and NDP while we breathlessly awaited the results of an absentee ballot count from Courtenay-Comox of all places.
Finally, with a deal agreed to between the Greens and the NDP, Clark, still premier, named her cabinet and called the House back. There was the purloined throne speech with a fistful of policy reversals. But before the vote was called there were a couple of other fairly transparently desperate moves.
Two pieces of legislation, one to ban union and corporate donations and another to grant the Greens party status, borrowed from you know where, were introduced and predictably failed. Who are you trying to kid?
This allowed Clark to offer the view that chaos reigned and, ahem, we may need another trip to the polls which, by the way, nobody wanted.
Then there was a Hail Mary pass by Liberal Finance Minister Mike De Jong. After attacking the NDP and Greens for their platform during the election because it would bust the bank, now that the Liberals had snatched a good chunk of it, wouldn’t you know, there was enough money to cover it all.
When all that failed and the vote was lost, Clark’s last move was to try and convince Lt.Gov. Judith Guichon that the legislature was so unstable the only alternative was to dissolve the house and call for another election. That, too, was turned aside and Horgan was called on, as most British Columbians agreed he should have been.
So here we are, days from Horgan being proclaimed premier, the swearing in of his cabinet and a long-awaited legislative package.
He would do best to begin with matters that the Greens are completely in line with: raising welfare rates — for the first time in more than a decade; adding a significant amount of dough for childcare and education; putting the Site C project before the B.C. Utilities Commission; banning union and corporate donation while putting more restrictions of lobbyists; naming a Minister of State for Mental Health, Addictions and Recovery; and doing what he can, although it may prove futile, to stop the Kinder Morgan pipeline project. And, oh yes, granting the Greens party status.
The City of Vancouver and the region would like assurance that TransLink funding would no longer be dependent on a referendum and that the province will match the federal commitment for funding the Broadway subway. And, oh yes, housing affordability.
Horgan would do well not to waste political capital by re-appointing the fired and disgraced Vancouver school trustees. Leave that up to a local electorate.
That’s more than enough for any government let alone one able to hang on with the slimmest of majorities.
And add one incentive. The longer the deal with the Greens can hold together, the more likely Clark will fail to survive as Liberal leader.
